• NN:  There was a long time when the Yugoslav public did not hear your voice.  Now we can hear or read your statements daily.  Does that mean you intend to be more politically engaged in the near future on the Serbian political scene?

HRH:   I have always been active for the good of the people but especially since 24 March 1999.  The main reason why you not heard from me more often is the insulting censorship situation.  I am not a politician and there can be no talk of any “political engagement” on my part.   The Crown is above and outside all political parties.  However, the situation is so grave that as the head of the Karadjordjevic Royal House I must pay even more attention to the people’s needs than before.  That is my duty.  What is at stake now is not politics but the very existence of the Serbian people. For this reason I cannot sit idly by.
 
 

• NN:  What should the Serbs, in your opinion, do now?  Are there in Serbia forces which could effect changes in the country?  Which are these forces?

HRH:  Serbia needs radical reforms and if they are to be carried out the current president of the federal state must relinquish power immediately.   There are certainly forces in Serbia capable of carrying out reforms. They are to be found in the ranks of the democratic opposition and also among people who have not been politically engaged so far.  It is necessary to set in motion the creative forces of the Serbian nation.  The current wave of protests which started in Cacak will inevitably result in people waking up and in rallying together of all who demand new policies and new leaders.
 
 

• NN:  Who should be called to account for everything that has lately befallen the Serbs and Serbia?

HRH:  The answer is quite clear:  President Milosevic and people around him.   Milosevic is the chief culprit.  Under his rule the Serbs have suffered one defeat after another.  First, the loss of Krajina and other mostly Serbian areas in Croatia and the exodus of Serbs from those regions.  Secondly, Western Bosnia and now Kosovo.  Internationally we have remained without friends.  Instead of genuine democracy in Serbia we have the arbitrary rule of one man who does not answer to anybody for his actions.  The world is on the eve  of a new millennium while in Serbia we have a system of government  reminiscent of the early 19th century.
 

• NN:  If you were in President Milosevic’s place what would you do  now, what are the moves would you make?  Have you perhaps ever had a chance to have a conversation with Mr. Milosevic?  What would you tell him if you now had a chance to talk to him?

HRH:  I would tell him clearly and succinctly: resign immediately since you have brought the people to the brink of a total disaster.   I have never spoken to Mr. Milosevic and have no intention of doing so.  Simply:   he must go, the sooner the better.  If I were in his place I would do the exact opposite of what he has been doing.  I would turn Yugoslavia into a modern European state in which the human and civic rights of  all of people would be respected irrespective of their ethnic origin and religious or political affiliations.  Young people would prosper in such a state instead of emigrating as they are doing now.  Yugoslavia would have a great number of friends and prestige in the world.
 
 

• NN:  The Americans are offering five million dollars for President Milosevic.  Could their offer be described as democratic?  Mr. Milo Djukanovic insists that Montenegro will hand over to the Hague Tribunal all those indicted for war crimes.  Do you approve of his stand?  Would you do the same  if you had the chance?

HRH:  I cannot speak either for President Djukanovic or for the US Government.   They have their own stands and problems of their own.   Personally, I think all those who have committed crimes must be called to account; they must be brought to court.  God’s justice and men’s laws require that all culprits be brought to account. The stigma should not fall on an entire people but on those who were really responsible.
 
 

• NN:  In your view, is it realistic to assume that the crisis would now move on to Montenegro; how real is the danger that there will be a conflict in Montenegro?  Will you perhaps attempt to make a move in the near future leading to a reduction of tension between Serbia and Montenegro?

HRH:   I believe that the danger is real but pray to God that the crisis does not come.   President Djukanovic is pursuing a prudent and realistic policy.  He does not want Montenegro to split away from Serbia but cannot allow Mr. Milosevic to dictate to him in gross violation of the Yugoslav Constitution.  Mr. Djukanovic favours a democratisation of the whole of Yugoslavia and is ready to help the democratic opposition.   As you probably know, I have been recently in Montenegro and believe that my stay there was a confirmation of common destiny of Montenegro and Serbia.   After all, I have in my veins the blood not only of the Karadjordjevic’s but also of the glorious Petrovic dynasty.
 
 

• NN:  What did you in fact do to improve the bad image of the Serbs and Serbia in England?  The British authorities say all the time they are against Milosevic but, in the end, it is the people who suffer.  Have you perhaps pointed out this fact to British official representatives?

HRH:  The image of the Serbs and Serbia must be improved from Belgrade not from London or New York.   Had it not been for Mr. Milosevic, the image of the Serbs in the world would be better.  There was a time when we enjoyed great prestige in the world, and you know yourself   how things stand now.  I do not want to sound immodest but think I have done a great deal to make the world realise that the Serbian people must not be identified with the current regime in Belgrade.  This is the only way for the truth about the Serbs to get around the world.   The Serbian Orthodox Church recently distanced itself decisively from Mr. Milosevic’s regime.  I have done that a long time ago.  As regards the British authorities, I am pointing out to them all the time that it is not justified that the Serbian people should suffer because of policies of a man who does not care about people.
 
 

• NN:  What did you do in fact to bring about a cessation of bombing of Serbia and Yugoslavia?

HRH:  I have immediately condemned the bombing in the strongest terms as an act of aggression against the people of Yugoslavia.  I sent letters to Presidents Clinton and Chirac and Prime Minister Blair and asked them to stop the air campaign.  I wrote also to President Yeltsin and called on him to help the Serbs.  In a huge number of interviews I denounced the Nato action.  In conversations with many influential people I pointed out the harm that the action against Yugoslavia was causing and its negative effects on peace and stability in the Balkans and in Europe.  I have done more in trying to bring about a cessation of bombing than any other individual in the Diaspora.
 
 

• NN:  Why didn’t you pay a  visit to the Serbian people in Kosovo now when their plight is worse than ever? What did you do to prevent the exodus of Kosovo Serbs and to improve their position?

• NN:  Is Kosovo lost for the Serbs?  What is Kosovo’s future?

HRH:  Serbia under Mr. Milosevic’s dictatorship has de facto lost control over this province although, as you know, Kosovo remains de jure part of Serbian territory.   In fact, Kosovo is becoming a Nato protectorate under a UN label.  I believe that such a state will continue for a long time.  It is a big question whether it will be possible during that period to create a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious Kosovo advocated by Bishop Artemije for a long time now.  However, I think our efforts should be channelled in that direction.  It is imperative to stop the exodus of Serbs since Kosovo will not be Kosovo without the Serbs, as I kept saying while out there.  Our holy shrines must be preserved but that will be impossible if all our people leave.  In this case too, a great deal depends on whether there will be a radical change of government in Belgrade.
 
 

• NN:  What is the future of the Balkans and former Yugoslavia?

HRH:  While the present regime is in Belgrade there is no future either for the Balkans or for former Yugoslavia. The regime of this kind is the cause of chronic instability in the region.  Things will start improving when there is a democratic government and the rule of law in Yugoslavia.  On condition that all Balkan countries become genuine democracies there will be a gradual normalisation of mutual relations and economic co-operation.   The Balkan countries need each other and the present state of intolerance and lack of co-operation is unnatural.   It is necessary to turn over a new leaf and to foster good neighbourly relations.  What is also necessary is an orientation towards Europe and joining of its integrationist processes.   The Balkan peoples seek peace and stability and expect their leaders to provide them.
 
 

• NN:  Can Serbia one day become a monarchy headed by you?  When could this happen?  What are the regions that the Serbian monarchy would include?

HRH:  It is certain that Serbia can become a monarchy.   The sooner the better though I think it is necessary to crown democracy first.  While Serbia was a kingdom the Serbian state was strong and its prestige in the world enormous.  You ask when could this happen?  When the Serbs get rid of the ballast of the past which has been weighing on them since 1945 and when they become aware of their real interests and see the advantages of constitutional monarchy. Serbia is our mother country but the Crown is the protector of all people wherever they live.   My wish would be for the Crown to unite all Serbian lands  - Serbia, Montenegro and Republika Srpska  - through a personal union which would guarantee and respect their particular character and identity.   I believe also that this would be in the interest of the people and all citizens of Serbian lands.
 
 

• NN:  How do you see the political situation in Republika Srpska and Bosnia & Hercegovina?

HRH:    I would not like on this occasion to comment on the political situation in Republika Srpska and Bosnia & Hercegovina.   I want to stress that human rights should be respected and the rule of law reinforced.   I shall gladly come to Republika Srpska soon.   After all, it is my country and my people.   My greetings to the Serbian people and all citizens of Republika Srpska and Bosnia & Hercegovina.

                       
/end/