(19 April 1997) 

Vreme: This is not the first time that misinformation and forgeries have appeared in connection with your attitudes and actions. What is your opinion or what do you know about the sources of such misinformation and who would have an interest in spreading it?

I wonder why the regime is making such an effort, and obviously spending money, on this campaign and why it decided precisely at this moment to escalate it? I should say there are two reasons for this. First, it is obvious that the regime fears the popularity of the idea of monarchy, especially now when it has emerged weaker from its conflict with the democratic opposition and the students. Second, the elections are approaching and the regime is attempting to muddy the waters and sow confusion in the ranks of its opponents. For this reason, it is now trying to harm the good relations ­ that exist between Crown and Church since it knows that these are, traditionally, the two pillars of the Serbian nation which have great support among the people. Likewise, it attempts to exploit the issue of monarchy to cause divisions in the ranks of opposition in order to ensure its own victory at the elections. One should bear in mind that this regime would do anything to keep itself in power. This is its only "reason d'être". 

In connection with the campaign, I would like to warn the democratic press not to be taken in by the regimeÕs tricks, and to appeal to the professional journalists in all the papers and media to fight against the abuse of their profession. They bear also a social responsibility for their actions. There can be no democracy without free public speech, but freedom also presupposes responsibility for the factual accuracy of reporting. 

Vreme: What is your relationship with the Serbian Orthodox Church and Patriarch Pavle? You have been brought up in Great Britain, in a secular society in which the Anglican and other churches are strictly separated from the State and have no significant influence in society, and the monarch has not got great powers in the conduct of the state policy for which Parliament and Government are responsible. Do you see a possible Serbian monarchy along those lines?

As one of the faithful of the Serbian Orthodox Church, my relationship with Patriarch Pavle is the same as that of any other faithful towards the head of his church. The Patriarch is the spiritual head of all Orthodox Serbs, including me. However, there is also a special relationship between us since at the present moment, the two of us are representatives of Church and Crown. It is very fortunate that Patriarch Pavle is today at the head of the Serbian church since he is one of those who deserve the greatest credit for enabling the Serbs to save their good name in those troubled times. His opposition to war and his preaching of love among all people irrespective of their religion, origin and nationality has had an echo in the world, and is deeply in accord with my Christian humanism. 

The second part of your question refers to the model for our monarchy. You know, I think it would be ideal if the English system of monarchy and parliamentary democracy could be applied in our country, all the more so since I consider that Government and monarch are indeed the only competent bodies to conduct state policy. The monarch is only a symbol, but a very important symbol, of the continuity and unity of the state and nation, outside and above any politics and party activities. It would be good if we could apply such a system in Yugoslavia. However, we all know that it is not possible to simply transplant a state and political system from one country to another. The Serbs are not Englishmen, and Yugoslavia is not an island but a Balkan country. Our people have always had the concept of king as a "domacin" who looks after the welfare of the entire people. It is essential that king remains outside daily politics. I have not the least inclination for such politics and the policy of the state must be conducted by those who have been elected for this purpose, while the king is there too "by the will of the people". 

Vreme: When will social conditions be created for your return to the country? How do you see your future in Serbian society?

Besides, it is important that on put right the historic injustice done to my family and myself when we were banned from our own country by the communist administration. You know, the Serbian people have always had a very developed sense for justice, and have always protested against injustice. I hope that this sense for justice will be shown again when the question of the return of the Karadjordjevic's is tackled seriously. 

As regards my future status in Serbian society, it is clear that it depends on whether our people will decide in favor of a republic or a monarchy. 

Vreme: It is a fact that only a section of the anticommunist opposition in Serbia favors the monarchy. Do you agree with the widespread view that the insistence on the question of the return of the monarchy at this juncture may split the democratic opposition and reduce its political role?

In fact, I do think that it is essential today to consolidate and expend the movement for democracy in Serbia and Montenegro. The success achieved since November last year is not yet sufficient to achieve a democratic transformation of the country. It is necessary to set wisely and with proper consideration since a major issue is involved here: the future of our people, our children and grandchildren. 

As far as I am concern, I would like to underline once again that Crown will not and must not link itself to any political party though, quite understandably, I welcome any strengthening of the monarchist orientation among both the parties and individuals. No one has the right to claim the monarchy for himself. And the Crown appeals today to all the parties and individuals to take part, without any divisions, in the all-national pro-democracy movement. 

T. Pancic