PREGLED, 02.03.2005.

KONFERENCIJA ''INICIJATIVA ZA PARTNERSTVO GRČKE I SCG''

U periodu od 8. do 11. februara 2005. godina predstavnici Privredne komore Beograda učestvovali su u radu Konferencije Partnerstvo ''Inicijativa za partnerstvo Grčke i SCG'', koja je održana u Atini.

Konferenciju su organizovali Ministarstvo za razvoj Grčke, Ministarstvo za ekonomske odnose sa inostranstvom SCG, i dobrotvorna organizacija ''Lifeline'' čiji je pokrovitelj Prineza Katarina Karađorđević.

Konferenciju je otvorio Boris Tadić, predsednik Republike Srbije, istakavši da u Srbiji trenutno radi 150 mešovitih srpsko-grčkih i 80 grčkih preduzeća. S obzirom na to da je poslovna saradnja Grčke i Srbije značjana za ekonomsku i investicionu stabilizaciju regiona, predsednik Srbije izrazio je želju da ova konferencija bude katalizator privredne saradnje dveju zemalja.

Grčkim partnerima detaljno su predstavljene mogućnosti stranih ulaganja u Srbiju, pojašnjena je zakonska regulativa, predočeni planovi i programi Vlade Republike Srbije. Grčka strana iznela je ciljeve u regionalnoj saradnji koji su u skladu s važećim evropskim integracionim precesima. Dogovoreni su modaliteti saradnje u oblasti saobraćaja, energetike i poljoprivrede. Najveća pažnja posvećena je rezvoju Koridora 10 i promocii zajedničkog tržišta električne energije i prirodnog gasa.

Predsednik Privredne komore Beograda, Milan Janković i predsednik Grčko-srpske komore trgovine i industrije, Hristos Teodoropulos su u ime svojih komora potpisali Sporazum o saradnji. Sporazumom je predviđeno da komore unapređuju aktivnosti članova i pronalaze poslovne partnere na svojim teritorijama iz oblasti trgovine, zanatstva, industrije, poljoprivrede, investicija i dr.

Na kraju rada Konferencije potpisan je i Sporazum o saradnji Privredne komore Beograda i Atinske komore malih i srednjih industrija. Predsednik Privredne komore Beograda, Milan Janković, ocenio je da je Sporazum izuzetno značjan za unpređenje privredne saradnje Atine i Beograda jer omogućava prevazilaženje administrativnih teškoća koje usporavaju saradnju. Predsednik Atinske komore, Dimitris Harasis izrazio je zadovoljstvo zbog aktivnog učešća komorskog sistema u uspostavljanju inteziviranije privredne saradnje.

Pokrovitelj Konvencije, Princ Aleksandar Karađorđević i Princeza Katarina Karađorđević podržali su nastojanja komora Atine i Beograda da se u narednom periodu razvije intenzivnija saradnja i poveća obim investicionih ulaganja.

PREGLED, 02 March 2005

A conference “Greece-SCG Partnership Initiative”

From 8 to 11 February 2005 representatives of the Chamber of Commerce of Belgrade participated in the work of the conference “Greece-Serbia and Montenegro Partnership Initiative”, which took place in Athens.

The conference was organized by the Ministry of Development of Greece, the Ministry of International Economic Relations of Serbia, and humanitarian organization “Lifeline”, under the patronage of HRH Crown Princess Katherine.

The Conference was officially opened by Boris Tadic, President of the Republic of Serbia, who pointed out that there are 150 mixed Greek-Serbian and 80 Greek companies that are doing business in Serbia at the moment. Considering the fact that business cooperation between Greece and Serbia is important for economic and investment stabilization of the region, President Tadic expressed his wish for this conference to be a catalyst of economic cooperation of these two countries.

The Greek partners have been introduced to the legislation regulations and foreign investment opportunities, and the plans and programs of the Government of the Republic of Serbia were presented. The Greek side presented their goals with respect to regional cooperation which are coordinated with current European integration processes. Ways of cooperation have been set in the field of transport, energy and agriculture. The most attention was paid to the development of Corridor X and promotion of a joint market of electric energy and natural gas.

The President of the Chamber of Commerce of Belgrade, Milan Jankovic and the President of the Greek-Serbian Chamber of Chamber of Trade and Industry, Hristos Teodoropulos have signed on behalf of their Chambers an agreement on cooperation. The agreement anticipates that the Chambers improve the activities of the members and find business partners on their territories from the fields of trade, crafts, industry, agriculture, investments, etc.

At the end of the conference an Agreement on Cooperation was signed between the Chamber of Commerce of Belgrade and the Chamber of Small and Medium Enterprises of Athens. The President of the Chamber of Commerce of Belgrade, Milan Jankovic, estimated that this Agreement is very important for improving the economic cooperation of Athens and Belgrade, because it enables overcoming of administrative difficulties, which are slowing down cooperation. The President of the Athens Chamber, Dimitris Harasis expressed his pleasure in seeing the system of Chambers taking an active part in establishing a more intensive economic cooperation.

The patrons of the conference, Crown Prince Alexander II and Princess Katherine Karadjordjevic supported the efforts of the Chambers of Athens and Belgrade, which they put into developing more intensive cooperation and increasing the level of investments in the following period.

Dušan T. Bataković, ambasador SCG u Grčkoj

Rešavanje statusa Kosova dramatično se ubrzava

Jelena Tasić

Prošle nedelje u Atini održana je Konferencija "Inicijativa za partnerstvo Grčke i SCG", prema oceni većine učesnika, dosad najveći skup članova vlada i privrednika dveju zemalja. Tim povodom o grčko-srpskim odnosima i saradnji, grčkim planovima i ulozi u regionu Balkana, evropskim integracijama i rešavanju kosovsko-metohijskog problema za Danas govori istoričar dr Dušan T. Bataković (1957), ambasador SCG u Grčkoj.

- Nema nikakve sumnje da su poslednje četiri godine u odnosima sa Grčkom učinjeni značajni iskoraci. Radikalna izmena naše ukupne političke situacije posle 2000.godine otvorila je mnoge zatvorene koridore saradnje, koji su sada aktivirani i stalno se produbljuju. Grčka, kad je Balkan u pitanju, ima značajan politički i ekonomski interes, a njen pristup je naglašeno regionalan - objašnjava ambasador Bataković, napominjući da "naše tradicionalno prijateljstvo sa Grčkom, zasnovano na snažnim istorijskim, kulturnim, verskim i mentalitetskim iskustvima sada traži nove, produbljene sadržaje, pre svega u intenziviranoj privrednoj i kulturnoj saradnji".

Grčki interes   - Moram da priznam da se zbog izrazito prijateljskog stava u Grčkoj sva politička previranja u našoj zemlji prate sa izvesnom zebnjom i iskrenom zabrinutošću. U svim kontaktima s političkom, kulturnom i ekonomskom javnošću, uz prijateljsku zabrinutost, uvek sam dobijao i poneki dobronameran, najčešće koristan savet kako bi određeni problemi mogli da se reše i prevaziđu. Grčka je predvorje Balkana, ali i glavni politički činilac u regionu, i tu svoju ulogu ona nastoji da dodatno osnaži, s obzirom na to da je članica i EU i NATO-a. Grčka kontinuirano nastoji da maksimalno pomogne kao posrednik u rešavanju svih važnih regionalnih problema. U interesu Grčke je da SCG bude jedna stabilna demokratska država, jer ima centralni položaj na Zapadnom Balkanu i ogromne potencijale, i treba da postane pouzdan partner kakav je potreban Atini da bi se dalje snažile već dobro uhodane političke i ekonomske veze - odgovara ambasador Bataković na pitanje koliko su politička previranja u SCG, izručenje Dejana Milenkovića - Bagzija, požar u Hilandaru, bili iskušenja za njegovu službu u Atini. Pošto mu četvorogodišnji ambasadorski mandat ističe ove godine, Bataković će u Atini ostati do kraja juna, kada će ga na tom mestu zameniti Ljiljana Baćević, koja je nedavno dobila agreman grčke vlade. Po povratku u Beograd, Dušana T. Batakovića čeka mesto Tadićevog diplomatskog savetnika za spoljnu politiku i za Kosovo i Metohiju, kojim se bavi već skoro četvrt veka.

 Bez obzira na poduži spisak onog što je proteklih godina urađeno na unapređenju privredne saradnje sa Grčkom, mnogi naši ekonomisti, pozivajući se na rezultate dosadašnjih inicijativa, tvrde da grčka strana više "flertuje", nego što pokazuje ozbiljno interesovanje.

- Iz grčke perspektive Balkan je glavno tržište za njenu robu i njene usluge i komplementaran privredni prostor na kojem može da ostvari, i već ostvaruje značajan profit. Zbog toga ne treba imati iluzije da je reč o bilo kakvom fingiranju, mada izvesne prepreke, administrativne i pravne, koje kod nas još uvek postoje, donekle obeshrabruju potencijalne investitore. Mislim da ima više onih kompanija koje bi ulagale, nego onih što se pojavljuju informativno na skupovima poput upravo završenog u Atini. U biznisu kriterijumi su jasni: niko ne želi da gubi vreme na biznis forumu, ako zaista nema određeni interes. Naravno, sada sve zavisi od umešnosti naših i grčkih firmi da nađu zajednički jezik i sklope obostrano povoljne poslovne aranžmane. Ne treba, takođe, prenebregavati ni činjenicu da je Grčka, posle SAD, Nemačke i Italije, četvrti ekonomski partner naše zemlje. Najveći prodor napravljen je u bankarskom sektoru. Namera je bila da se obezbedi solidna bankarska infrastruktura, koja bi omogućila sigurniji nastup grčkog biznisa na našem tržištu.

 Grčki zvaničnici ne kriju koliko su ponosni na svoj državni plan o obnovi Balkana, širenjem "pelcera" EU na region. Koliko je on realan?

- Istorija Balkana je istorija propuštenih prilika i sada je trenutak da, sabirajući sva negativna iskustva iz prošlosti, konačno prevaziđemo nasleđene obrasce nepomirljivosti, nepoverenja i rivalstva. Da shvatimo da smo samo jedan mali region koji se suočava sa izazovima globalizacije i da niko pojedinačno ne može da uspe ako ne budemo solidarni, ako ne budemo tesno sarađivali, ako ne nađemo racionalnu osnovu za unapređivanje regionalne saradnje. Balkan je tržište koje više prima nego što izvozi, a u surovoj konkurenciji globalizacije svaka od balkanskih država je suviše mala da bi na bilo koji način mogla da izdrži teret toga iskušenja. Stoga su nam potrebne dve vrste udruživanja. Jedno je šire i zove se EU, oko čega nema nikakvog spora, a drugo je interaktivno intenziviranje međubalkanske saradnje. To je bio san svih prosvećenih intelektualaca iz bilo koje od balkanskih zemalja kroz čitav 19. i 20. vek. Sada više nema onih ideoloških prepreka koje su nas usporavale i razdvajale u doba komunizma. Svuda su uspostavljene demokratske vlade što je odgovarajuća osnova da se ozbiljno pristupi jačanju regionalnog udruživanja. Grčki plan za rekonstrukciju Balkana tek treba da bude aktiviran, i sada se razmatraju predloženi projekti i razmatra budžet za njihovu realizaciju. Treća šansa, koju mi, takođe, nedovoljno koristimo, jeste "triangularna saradnja", za koju postoje određeni fondovi u EU. Tri zemlje iz regiona koje izađu sa zajedničkim ekonomskim projektom ili projektom iz nekog drugog domena, za njegovu realizaciju mogu da dobiju odgovarajuću, vrlo izdašnu finansijsku podršku EU, što, potom, blagotvorno utiče na privredni razvoj svake od njih. Taj pristup treba što pre usvojiti jer su raspoloživa sredstva iz Unije, za naše standarde, praktično neiscrpna.

 Imajući u vidu našu ekonomsku i političku situaciju kakve su šanse da uhvatimo evropski voz u koji nam Grčka sada pomaže da uskočimo?

- Na Solunskom samitu juna 2003. godine EU je prvi put javno pozvala zemlje zapadnog Balkana da se pridruže Uniji i otvorila im dugo zatvorena vrata. Prema kopenhaškim kriterijumima svaka zemlja "kandidatkinja" mora da ispuni određene, striktno propisane uslove i tu ne možemo očekivati neke velike ustupke. To je kao u fudbalu kada prolazite kvalifikacije da biste došli na evropski šampionat. Grčka je uvek spremna da ponudi svoje znanje i iskustvo šta i kad treba učiniti, jer je tajming uvek jako važan u ovakvim poslovima. Sa grčke strane uvek je bilo odgovarajućih saveta, upozorenja i lobiranja za naše dalje približavanje EU. Da li ćemo mi biti stožer zapadnog Balkana zavisi, isključivo, od nas. Činjenica je da postoje sve odgovarajuće pretpostavke. Srbija je zajedno sa Crnom Gorom ključno komunikaciono sedište čitavog regiona: drumskog, rečnog, železničkog, avionskog saobraćaja, a sutra i strateški važnih naftovodnih puteva.

 Grčki premijer Kostas Karamanlis nedavno je, u razmaku od dva dana, o Kosovu i Metohiji razgovarao sa Sorenom Jesenom Petersenom, šefom UNMIK, i sa Borisom Tadićem, predsednikom Srbije. Da li je Grčka ponudila konkretne usluge u rešavanju kosovskog problema?

- Grčka je od ove godine nestalni član SB i zajedno sa Danskom kao evropski član SB učestvuje u radu Kontakt grupe kroz konsultativnu komisiju za saradnju. Kao takva ona nastoji da pruži vlastiti doprinos nalaženju rešenja za Kosovo, naravno, iz interesa ukupne regionalne stabilnosti. Već je bilo određenih inicijativa, ali je sve to još u početnoj fazi. Očekujemo da će Grčka kao država iskusna u rešavanju bolnih međuetničkih problema i sa svojim sadašnjim političkim kapacitetima i ugledom, moći da u tome osetno pomogne i u Briselu i u Vašingtonu. Mi smo, razumljivo, za tu saradnju otvoreni. Nema sumnje da je pitanje statusa Kosova otvoreno i da se proces njegovog rešavanja dramatično ubrzava. Određivanje budućeg statusa možda neće biti ove, ali već je skoro izvesno da će se rešavati najdalje 2006. godine. Mi smo na Kosovu nasledili tešku, skoro nemoguću situaciju, uokvirenu onim što je posle bombardovanja NATO prihvatio Milošević, a omeđili Rezolucija SB UN 1244 i Kumanovski sporazum. Naši dosadašnji pokušaji preko specijalnih predstavnika UN, de facto administratora Kosova, nisu dali odgovarajuće rezultate, osim jednog dobrog sporazuma sa Hakerupom, koji nažalost, u praksi nije zaživeo. Situacija na terenu se, u međuvremenu, dramatično pogoršavala. Sve to dodatno je doprinelo da se u međunarodnim krugovima oblikuje pogrešno shvatanje da bez hitnog rešavanja statusa nema izlaza iz sadašnje blokade.
Iako ciljevi Misije UN na Kosovu, proklamovani Rezolucijom SB UN 1244 ni izdaleka nisu ostvareni, sada je na delu izlazna strategija. Odgovornost se sa međunarodnih institucija, koje na Kosovu i Metohiji vrše vlast, postepeno prenose na privremene kosovske institucije koje u potpunosti kontrolišu Albanci. Za međunarodnu zajednicu veliki neuspeh bio je srpski bojkot poslednjih parlamentarnih kosovskih izbora. Bez multikulturne dimenzije i meduetničke saradnje, sadašnja vlada Kosova nema odgovarajući legitimitet, mada je njena glavna slabost to što će se ime premijera Haradinaja verovatno uskoro naći na optužnici Haškog tribunala za ratne zločine. Sve to dodatno komplikuje iznalaženje rešenja koje bi zadovoljilo zaštitu legitimnih srpskih interesa u Pokrajini. Zbog toga je veoma važno da ne bojkotujemo započeti proces rešavanja statusa Kosova. Da budemo u njega aktivno uključeni i da uz snažnu diplomatsku i političku inicijativu damo doprinos kojim će naši interesi biti adekvatno zaštićeni, da u pregovorima s Prištinom nađemo oslonac za jedan dugoročni kompromis. Na Kosovu nije, uz manje izuzetke u poslednje vreme, bilo aktivne, strateški promišljene i usaglašene srpske politike već punih petnaest godina. Sada je trenutak da se ona redinamizuje novim, realističnim i održivim inicijativama.

 Gde je Beograd u toj "izlaznoj varijanti"?

- Mi uvek insistiramo na tome da na Kosovu mora da se nađe rešenje koje uvažava albanske i srpske interese, ali podrazumeva i učešće i punu saglasnost Beograda. Nezavisnost Kosova je za nas apsolutno neprihvatljiva, jer bi ona de facto značila podelu Srbije i bila opasan presedan koji bi imao krupne posledice svuda gde su nerešeni međuetnički problemi, od Baskije do Abhazije. Stoga je formula više od autonomije, manje od nezavisnosti, realističan okvir u kojem treba tražiti uzajamno prihvatljivo rešenje. Jer, na Kosovu, niko ne sme da bude poražen, svaka od pregovaračkih strana treba da izađe s razumnim ustupcima. Menjanje granica u regionu dugoročno bi ugrozilo ukupnu stabilnost Balkana i obnovilo nacionalističke apetite, jer bi se primenilo rešenje koje ugrožava čitav međunarodni poredak. Ali, uprkos svemu tome, zarad pomenute izlazne strategije, ne treba potcenjivati ni poslednji izveštaj Međunarodne krizne grupe, s obzirom na to da je u nju odnedavno uključen i Kris Paten, jedan od vodećih evropskih političara i donedavni komesar za spoljnu politiku EU. Trebalo bi da uzmemo u obzir sva stanovišta međunarodne zajednice - jer je Kosovo već delimično izuzeto iz sastava Srbije Rezolucijom 1244 i Kumanovskim sporazumom - kako bi dobro osmislili buduće političke korake. Iznad svega, treba da ostanemo deo procesa i utičemo na suštinsku decentralizaciju, dodatnu zaštitu našeg verskog i kulturnog nasleđa i stvaranje realnih mogućnosti za povratak raseljenih lica. Premda tek tada, prema našem stanovištu, ima smisla otvarati pitanje statusa, ne treba imati iluzije da će se proces odvijati pomenutim tokom. Zbog toga nam je potrebna alternativna strategija u kojoj je uslov svih uslova da Beograd progovori jedinstvenim glasom.

 Da li to znači da međunarodna zajednica ne prihvata Plan Vlade Srbije na kojem zvanični Beograd insistira?

- Izvesno je da, za sada, nema raspoloženja u međunarodnoj zajednici da se on u celini prihvati. Zato je veoma važno da njegove najvažnije odredbe budu ugrađene u budući model decentralizacije kako bismo efikasno zaštitili naš teško ugrožen narod na Kosovu. Jer, mi ne tražimo unutrašnju etničku delimitaciju, nego samoupravu po kulturno-lingvističkim kriterijumima, radi očuvanja ugroženih identiteta i značajne kulturne baštine. A to su suštinske evropske vrednosti.

 Mislite li da je to realno?

- Realno je da aktivno učestvujemo u procesu. Kakav će biti ishod, to će zavisiti i od naše političke i diplomatske umešnosti. Ako budemo imali dve ili tri politike prema Kosovu, ako se i dalje nastavi s korišćenjem kosovskog pitanja u unutrašnjopolitičke svrhe, onda ne treba da nas iznenadi što će međunarodna zajednica iz spektra različitih pristupa, koji dolaze iz Beograda, izabrati rešenje koje njoj najviše odgovara, a ne ono koje mi smatramo optimalnim.
   Postoji strahovanje da bi Kosovo i Metohija moglo da plati cenu saradnje Beograda sa Haškim sudom, budućih evroatlantskih integracija i ulaska u EU.
- Saradnja s Haškim tribunalom je uslov svih uslova. Poznato je šta se kod nas misli o tom sudu. Međutim, to je međunarodna obaveza koju je nemoguće zaobići. Što pre se ta saradnja ponovo intenzivira, naša pregovaračka pozicija u rešavanju kosovskog problema biće značajno ojačana. Ne bih voleo da dođemo u situaciju da, recimo, sutra Haradinaj dobrovoljno ode u Hag, a da saradnja sa Beogradom i dalje ne bude ocenjena kao adekvatna. Time bi naša pozicija u rešavanju kosovskog pitanja bila samo dodatno oslabljena.

Dusan T. Batakovic, Serbia-Montenegro ambassador to Greece

Resolution of Kosovo status is speeding up dramatically

By Jelena Tasic

Last week in Athens the Initiative for the Partnership of Greece and Serbia-Montenegro held a conference which was, in the opinion of most participants, the largest gathering of members of the governments and business communities of the two countries held thus far. Following this event, historian Dr. Dusan T. Batakovic (born 1957), the Serbia-Montenegro ambassador to Greece, commented for "Danas" on Greek-Serbian relations and cooperation, Greek plans and role in the Balkan region, European integrations and the resolution of the Kosovo-Metohija problem.

"There is no doubt that in the last four years there have been significant steps forward in relations with Greece. The radical change of our complete political situation after 2000 opened many closed corridors of cooperation, which have now been activated and are constantly deepening. Greece, as far as the Balkans are concerned, has an important political and economic interest, and its approach is emphatically regional," explains Ambassador Batakovic, adding that "our traditional friendship with Greece, based on strong historical, cultural, religious and mentality experiences, now calls for new, deeper contexts, first of all in intensified economic and cultural cooperation".

Since his four-year mandate expires this year, Batakovic will remain in Athens until the end of June, when he will be replaced in his position by Ljiljana Bacevic, who recently received the agreement of the Greek government. Upon his return to Belgrade, Dusan T. Batakovic will be engaged as Tadic's diplomatic advisor for foreign policy and Kosovo and Metohija, with which he has been involved for the past almost quarter of a century.

Regardless of the somewhat lengthy list of what has been done in recent years to further economic cooperation with Greece, many Serbian economics, citing results from past initiatives, claim that the Greek side is "flirting" more than it is demonstrating serious interest.

"From the Greek perspective the Balkans are the main market for its goods and its services, and a complimentary economic region where it can realize, and is already realizing, significant profits. Consequently, there should not be any sort of illusion that this is some sort of faking, even though certain obstructions, administrative and legal, which still exist on our side are somewhat discouraging to potential investors. I think that there are more companies that want to invest than companies that just show up for information at gatherings like the one just concluded in Athens. In business the criteria are clear: no one wants to waste time at a business forum unless they really have a specific interest. Of course, now everything depends on the skill of Serbian and Greek companies in finding a common language and concluding mutually advantageous business arrangements. As well, we should not neglect the fact that Greece is the fourth economic partner of our country, after the U.S., Germany and Italy. The biggest breakthrough was made in the banking sector. The intent was to ensure a solid banking infrastructure that would enable a more secure presence for Greek business on our market."

Greek officials are not hiding how proud they are of their state plan for the renewal of the Balkans by spreading EU "grafts" in the region. How realistic is this?

"The history of the Balkans is a history of missed opportunities and now is the time to gather all the negative experiences from the past and finally transcend the inherited models of irreconcilability, lack of confidence and rivalry. To understand that we are just a small region that is confronted with the challenges of globalization and that no one can succeed individually unless we show solidarity, unless we work closely together, unless we find a rational basis for the furthering of regional cooperation. The Balkans is a region that gets more than it exports, and in the brutal competition of globalization every one of the Balkan countries is too small to be able to bear the weight of the challenge on its own. Thus we need two kinds of association. One is broader and is called the EU, that is something indisputable, and the other is the interactive intensification of inter-Balkan cooperation. This was the dream of all educated intellectuals from all the Balkan countries throughout the entire 19th and 20t centuries. Now the ideological obstacles that slowed us down and divided us during the age of Communism no longer exist. Democratic governments have been established everywhere, which is the appropriate basis for a serious approach to the strengthening of regional association. The Greek plan for the reconstruction of the Balkans has yet to be activated, and the proposed projects and the budget for their realization are now being considered. The third opportunity, which we are also underutilizing, is so-called "triangular cooperation" for which funds have been earmarked in the EU. Three countries from the region coming forward with a joint economic project, or project from some other domain, can obtain appropriate, very generous financial support from the EU for its realization, which subsequently benefits economic development in each of them. This approach needs to adopted as soon as possible because available funds from the Union, by our standards, are practically inexhaustible."

Keeping in mind our economic and political situation, what are our chances of catching the European train that Greece is now helping us jump aboard?

"At the Thessaloniki summit in June 2003 the EU for the first time publicly called on the countries of the Western Balkans to join the Union and opened doors for them that had long been closed. According to the Copenhagen criteria, every "candidate" country must fulfill specific, strictly mandated conditions and we cannot expect very large concessions in this respect. It's like in football (soccer) where you have to get through the qualifiers in order to play in the European championship. Greece is always ready to offer its knowledge and experience as to what needs to be done and when, because timing is extremely important in such matters. From the Greek side there has always been relevant advice, warning and lobbying for our further approach to the EU. Whether we will be the pillar of the Western Balkans depends exclusively on us. It's a fact that all necessary preconditions exist. Serbia together with Montenegro represents a key crossroads to the whole region: roads, rivers, rail, air transportation, and in the near future, strategically important oil pipeline routes."

Greek prime minister Kostas Karamanlis recently spoke with UNMIK chief Soren Jessen-Petersen regarding Kosovo and Metohija, and with Serbian president Boris Tadic within a period of two days. Has Greece offered concrete services in resolving the Kosovo problem?

"From this year onward Greece is a rotating member of the Security Council and together with Denmark as a European member of the Security Council it participates in the work of the Contact Group through a consultative commission for cooperation. In this role Greece is seeking to proffer its own contribution to the finding of a solution for Kosovo, of course, in the interest of comprehensive regional stability. There have already been specific initiatives but all this is still in the initial phase. We expect that Greece, as a country with experience in resolving painful interethnic problems and with its current political capacities and reputation, will be able to tangibly assist in this both in Brussels and in Washington. We are understandably open to such cooperation. There is no doubt that the issue of the status of Kosovo is open and that the process of its resolution is speeding up dramatically. The definition of future status may not occur this year but it is almost a certainty that it will be resolved no later than 2006. In Kosovo we have inherited a difficult, almost impossible situation framed by what Milosevic accepted after the NATO bombing and delineated by UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the Kumanovo Agreement. Our earlier efforts through the special representatives of the UN, i.e. the de facto administrators of Kosovo, have not yielded appropriate results with the exception of one good agreement with Haekkerup, which, unfortunately, was never implemented in practice. In the meanwhile, the situation on the ground has deteriorated dramatically. All this has contributed to the formation of the erroneous conception in international circles that without an urgent resolution of status there is no way out of the present blockade.

"Even though the goals of the UN Mission in Kosovo as proclaimed in UNSC Res. 1244 are nowhere near being realized, an exit strategy is now in effect. Competencies are gradually being transferred from international institutions administering Kosovo and Metohija to Kosovo provisional institutions which are completely controlled by Albanians. The Serbian boycott of the most recent Kosovo parliamentary elections was a great failure for the international community. Without a multicultural dimension and interethnic cooperation, the present Kosovo government does not have the necessary legitimacy, although its primary weakness is that prime minister Haradinaj's name will likely as not soon be found on a Hague tribunal indictment for war crimes. All this further complicates finding a solution that would satisfy the protection of legitimate Serbian interests in the Province. Consequently, it is extremely important that we do not boycott process of resolving the status of Kosovo once begun. That we are actively involved in it and that through strong diplomatic and political initiative we give our contribution to adequately protect our interests, that we find support for a long-term compromise in negotiations with Pristina. With small and recent exceptions, in Kosovo there has not been an active, strategically conceived and harmonized Serbian policy for the past 15 years. Now is the moment to reenergize it with new, realistic and sustainable initiatives."

What is Belgrade's role in this "exit strategy"?

"We always insist on the fact that a solution must be found in Kosovo that takes into account both Albanian and Serbian interests, as well as presuming both the participation and the full acquiescence of Belgrade. The independence of Kosovo for us is absolutely unacceptable because it would mean the de facto division of Serbia and would set a dangerous precedent with enormous consequences for every place where there are unresolved interethnic problems from the Basque Country to Abkhazia. Therefore the formula more than autonomy but less than independence is a realistic framework within which a mutually acceptable solution should be sought. Because no one must be defeated in Kosovo, each of the negotiating sides needs to put forward reasonable concessions. Changing the borders in the region over the long term would represent a danger to the entire stability of the Balkans and rewhet nationalist appetites because it would represent a solution that imperils the entire balance of national interests. However, despite all this, with regard to the aforementioned exit strategy, we should not underestimate the most recent report of the International Crisis Group, either, considering that it was recently joined by Chris Patten, one of the leading European politicians and, until recently, the EU commissioner for foreign policy. We should take into account all the views of the international community - because Kosovo is already partially excluded from Serbian territory by Resolution 1244 and the Kumanovo agreement - in order to plan our future political steps well. Above all, we need to remain a part of the process and to influence substantial decentralization, further protection of our religious and cultural heritage, and the creation of realistic possibilities for the return of displaced persons. Even though our position is that only then does it make sense to open the issue of status, we should not harbor illusions that the process will unfold according to this course. That is why we need an alternative strategy for which the most important of preconditions is that Belgrade begin speaking with one voice."

Does this mean that the international community does not accept the Serbian Government Plan on which the Belgrade government is insisting?

"It's obvious that, for now, the international community is not disposed to accept it in its entirety. That is why it is very important that its most important provisions are added to the future decentralization model so that we can effectively protect our seriously endangered people in Kosovo. Because we are not asking for an internal ethnic delimitation but only self-government according to cultural and linguistic criteria in order to preserve endangered identities and significant cultural heritages. And these are fundamental European values."

Do you think that's realistic?

"It is realistic for us to actively participate in the process. What the outcome will be will also depend on our political and diplomatic skills. If we have two or three policies toward Kosovo, if we continue to use the Kosovo issue for internal political matters, then we should not be surprised that the international community will chose from among the spectrum of various approaches coming from Belgrade the solution that it likes the best, not the one we consider to be optimal."

There is a fear that Kosovo and Metohija may pay the price for Belgrade's cooperation with the Hague tribunal, future Euro-Atlantic integrations, and entrance to the EU.

"Cooperation with the Hague tribunal is the mother of all preconditions. It's no secret what Serbia thinks of this tribunal. However, it is an international responsibility that cannot be circumvented. The sooner this cooperation is again intensified, our negotiating position in resolving the Kosovo problem will be significantly strengthened. I would not like us to find ourselves in the position, for example, where Haradinaj will voluntarily go to The Hague in the near future, and cooperation with Belgrade is still not considered to be adequate. Such a development would only serve to further weaken our position in resolving the Kosovo problem."